# Distributive kind predication

**Authors:** Janek Guerrini

PMC · DOI: 10.1007/s11050-025-09245-8 · Natural Language Semantics · 2026-03-02

## TL;DR

This paper explores how plural nouns in English and Italian can express generalizations in ways that go beyond traditional generic interpretations.

## Contribution

It introduces a new framework for understanding how plural forms map to meanings, combining insights from two linguistic theories.

## Key findings

- Plural kind terms can have definite, non-generic uses in generalizations, unlike singular indefinites.
- English bare plurals can be interpreted as either kinds or properties, while Italian definite plurals can only be kinds.
- The new framework explains the behavior of plurals in various contexts, including episodic sentences.

## Abstract

This paper makes two contributions to the study of the interpretation of nominals across Germanic and Romance languages. First, it shows that plural kind terms, such as English bare plurals (e.g., lions) and Italian definite plurals (e.g., i leoni), have definite, non-generic uses in sentences expressing generalizations that were traditionally thought to uniformly involve generic quantification. These non-generic uses explain why the distribution of kind-denoting plurals in sentences expressing generalizations is wider as compared to singular indefinites, which can only appear in generalizations that have a genuinely generic Logical Form (Sects. 3-5). Second, the paper draws on a contrast between English and Italian (and to a minor extent French) plural forms, both bare and definite (Sect. 5). This yields a new approach to the mapping between the form and the interpretation of nominals that combines elements from Chierchia’s (Natural Language Semantics 6:339–405, 1998) and Longobardi’s (Natural Language Semantics 9:335–369, 2001) frameworks. On the approach I present, English bare plurals can alternatively be mapped to kinds or to properties; Italian definite plurals, when not referential, can only be mapped to kinds; and Italian bare plurals only to properties. This explains the behavior of these expressions in a wide number of contexts, most importantly in episodic sentences, which raise puzzles for extant accounts.

## Full text

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## Figures

50 figures with captions in the complete paper: https://tomesphere.com/paper/PMC12995984/full.md

## References

15 references — full list in the complete paper: https://tomesphere.com/paper/PMC12995984/full.md

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Source: https://tomesphere.com/paper/PMC12995984